Video transcript
Roda Viva | Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva | 1986
1209 statements · 0 politicians · April 8, 2021 · 118 min
1209 transcribed statements, with topic and stance on the ones the analysis classified.
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Transcript
1,209 statementsFull transcript of the video. Statements the analysis classified carry topic and stance.
Desconhecido
Good evening, we are starting now another Roda Viva, the interview and debate program of TV Cultura of São Paulo.
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Tonight, our interviewee is Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the president of PT (Workers' Party).
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And to take part in this Roda Viva tonight, with us are Ricardo Cotio, journalist for Jornal do Brasil; Lenildo Tabosa Pessoa, journalist for Jornal da Tarde; Boris Casoy, journalist for Folha de São Paulo; Marcelo Rezende, journalist for Placar magazine; Fernando Moraes, journalist, writer and deputy.
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Carlos Nascimento, journalist for TV Globo.
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Hamilton de Souza, journalist for Retrato do Brasil.
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Sandra Guerra, journalist for Rádio Eldorado.
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Walter Barelli, director of Diese.
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Júlio Lobos, economist and consultant to large and multinational companies in the area of advisory services for employers' negotiations with workers.
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And also Floreal Rodrigues, journalist for Exame magazine.
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And I'd like to remind you watching Roda Viva at home that by telephone 252-6525, 252-6525, you can ask any question to Lula; Ângela, Isa and Ana will write down the question, pass it to me and I will ask your question to the president of the Workers' Party.
Desconhecido
Well, Lula, there are today in Brazil three leaders capable of assuming... the role of main critics of the reform of the Cruzado Plan, which apparently did not please the Brazilian population.
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There is great discontent among the various segments of the Brazilian population with the reform of the Cruzado Plan.
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These three leaders would be, first, the governor of Rio de Janeiro, Leonel Brizola.
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He is a defeated man.
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Secondly, the former minister Delfim Neto.
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He won the election, but he is a man who represents a regime that has been much changed, an old regime.
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And the third person is you.
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Have you considered the possibility, are you interested, do you intend to do this, to assume this national leadership of criticism of the economic regime, of the economic situation we live in today in Brazil?
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Look, Gamberino, I think it's not even a question of us considering taking it on.
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I think it is our duty to assume the role of critic, because I believe there will be no democracy in a country if everyone is saying amen to those in government.
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On our part, we have a clear conscience, because in February of this year, when the package was announced, we said that the package had electoral objectives; we said the government needed to go deeper and allow the trade union movement the minimum possibility to control companies so there would be no window-dressing of products, so there would be no tax evasion by some producers, and we said the government would not be able to control prices because profiteering would run rampant.
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Everything we said on March 3, 1986 happened during the period.
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Obviously the mass promotion of the economic package led many people to delude themselves that the economic package would solve the problems of the entire working class.
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And today, with the other economic package announced this week by the government, it leads people — not only Brizola, Delfim, Lula and others, but people from the PMDB, like Mário Covas today — whose interviews I've grown tired of watching, to say that the way it was announced had not been prudent.
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And the gravest thing about these packages, Gamberino, is something the people are relegating to the background.
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It is that this is the fourth economic package that the new republic is implementing by decree-law.
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And if we had taken a bit of care to analyze what everyone in this country said about the use of decree-law by the military government, a civilian government could never use decree-law in the way it is being used.
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And I think that if the government brings or sends a plan for the President of the Republic to sign...
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And that plan, signed in the form of a decree-law, is a total disrespect that the government shows to the National Congress, which should be strengthened, since there is so much talk of democracy in this country.
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And if the plan is good for the people, nothing would be fairer than the National Congress, in that so-called 'concentrated effort' they invented, approving or not approving the economic plan.
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The concrete fact is that the plan solves the government's problems much more
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than the problems of Brazilian society.
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Lenildo Tabosa wants to speak.
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PT (Workers' Party) has been opposing the plan since February.
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Now in November the people voted massively for the government and evidently it was largely under the influence of the plan.
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Wouldn't that mean that the people think one way and the PT (Workers' Party) another?
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Or are the people on one side and the PT (Workers' Party) on the other?
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Look, it is not the first time that people who are right lose an election.
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I remember that when the PMDB was created in 1966, the PMDB was fully justified in criticizing the military regime and only began to win some elections from 1974 onward.
Desconhecido
I think, Lenildo, that you as a journalist know perfectly well that the opportunities of those who defend and those who attack are not the same.
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